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Greek Philosophy: From Thales to Aristotle · Unit 8 · Lesson 3
🔥 7

Practical wisdom, friendship, and the political animal

⏱ 9 min read

A good aim without good judgment is just enthusiasm with bad results. Aristotle needs one more virtue to make the rest work.

Moral virtue tells you where to head — it sets the right end (a generous person genuinely wants to help). But it does not tell you how to get there in the messy particular case: whom to help, how much, when, at what cost. For that you need practical wisdom (phronēsis), the intellectual virtue of deliberating well about how to live and act (NE VI.5).

So virtue and phronēsis are interdependent. Virtue makes the goal right; phronēsis makes the steps toward it right. You can’t have full virtue without practical wisdom (you’d aim well but blunder), and phronēsis without virtue would just be aiming your cleverness at the wrong target (NE VI.12–13, 1144a).

What is the relationship between moral virtue and phronēsis?

A flourishing life is not lived alone. Aristotle devotes two whole books (NE VIII–IX) to friendship (philia) — a bond broader than our word, covering deep companionship, civic goodwill, even family. “No one would choose to live without friends, even if he had all other goods” (NE VIII.1, 1155a5).

He distinguishes three kinds of friendship by what the friends love in each other. Friendships of utility (you’re useful to me) and of pleasure (you’re fun to be around) are real but fragile: they dissolve the moment the usefulness or fun runs out (NE VIII.3).

The third and highest is complete friendship — the friendship of the good, who love each other for their own sake, for the virtue each possesses. It is rare, slow to form, and stable, because virtue is stable. Such a friend is “another self” (allos autos): loving them is continuous with loving what is best in oneself (NE IX.4, 1166a; IX.9, 1170b).

Why does Aristotle regard the friendship of the good as the highest and most stable kind?

In Book X Aristotle names the very peak: the contemplative life (bios theōrētikos), the activity of theōria — the exercise of theoretical reason contemplating the highest truths. This, he argues, is the most eudaimon activity of all (NE X.7).

Why the peak? Contemplation is the activity of our highest part (nous, intellect); it is the most continuous activity we can sustain; the most self-sufficient (the wise person needs least from others to do it); it is loved for its own sake; and it is the most divine — in contemplating, we most resemble the gods, whose life is pure thought (NE X.7, 1177a12–1178a8).

Yet even contemplation happens somewhere. Ethics, for Aristotle, is not a self-standing discipline — it is a part of politics. A good life is only fully achievable inside a well-ordered community, so the study of character culminates in the study of the polis (city-state) (NE I.2; Politics I.1).

Hence the famous claim: “man is by nature a political animal” (anthrōpos physei politikon zōon, Politics I.2, 1253a). We are not merely social like bees; we possess logos (reason/speech), and speech exists to declare the just and the unjust. A creature with logos is built for the shared moral life of a city.

This is why he insists the polis is prior to the individual — not in time, but in nature and purpose. As with any organism, the whole is prior to the part: the city’s ordered life is what makes an individual’s full flourishing possible, the way the body’s life is what makes a hand a working hand (Politics I.2, 1253a19–29).

And the city exists not for mere survival but for the good life. It comes into being for the sake of living (defense, trade, needs), “but exists for the sake of living well” (Politics I.2, 1252b30). Its true purpose is to make virtuous, flourishing citizens — politics is ethics writ large.

What does Aristotle mean by calling the polis 'prior to the individual'?

Finally, Aristotle classifies constitutions (politeiai) by two tests: how many rule (one, few, many) and for whose benefit. Rule for the common good is correct; rule for the rulers’ private interest is deviant (Politics III.7).

On Aristotle's scheme, what makes a constitution 'correct' rather than 'deviant'?